Kimberlé Crenshaw’s theory of intersectionality explains how identity factors such as faith, race, gender, and socio-economic status interact to shape experiences of discrimination. She argues that focusing on a single identity, such as race or gender, fails to capture the complexity of overlapping marginalisation. Building on Crenshaw’s work, later scholars introduced the concept of intersectional invisibility, where individuals with multiple marginalised identities are overlooked by systems intended to address discrimination.
Reki (2023) expands on Crenshaw’s theory by examining how religious identity intersects with other categories to create epistemic injustice, where individuals’ knowledge is dismissed or devalued due to prejudice. Using an intersectional lens, Reki shows how religious minorities face compounded marginalisation, particularly at the intersections of faith, race, gender, and class. This reinforces Crenshaw’s call to address multiple identity factors rather than isolating one, and deepens understanding of how religious identity shapes experiences of discrimination and invisibility.
In Islam, Women and Sport, Jawad (2022) explores how faith and gender affect Muslim women’s participation in sport, stating their “invisibility in major sporting competitions” results from “social, political, economic, and educational” factors. Western sports culture often conflicts with Islamic values regarding women’s bodies, as many sports require “specific types of sports equipment and outfits that lead to high visibility of women’s bodies” and take place in mixed-sex settings. This tension increases where “the wearing of hijab is not allowed in some secular states and some international sports governing bodies” (Jawad, 2022). Intersectionality reveals how such policies are based on single-axis thinking that ignores the interaction of gender and religion. Jawad suggests “sex segregated spaces” and relaxed dress codes could help accommodate modest attire, addressing the barriers created by faith, gender, and cultural norms. She also notes that in some cultures, “sport related activities can be seen as low-status pursuits” or “a luxury activity,” highlighting how socio-economic status intersects with religious and cultural identity to limit access.
Kwame Anthony Appiah (2014), in Is Religion Good or Bad?, reflects on how post-19th-century Europe saw a shift where “you could do all sorts of serious things… even philosophy” without religious constraint. However, as Appiah notes, “in large areas of the globe this separation between religion and science has not happened yet.” This shows that faith continues to shape intellectual and cultural life in many parts of the world. Crenshaw’s framework is useful here in revealing how religious belief, geography, and cultural background intersect with identity, influencing how individuals are perceived and treated.
Simran Jeet Singh (2016), in Challenging Race, Religion, and Stereotypes in the Classroom, describes how people are judged “simply because of how they look or what they believe” and how society often denies this reality. He warns against painting communities “with a single brush stroke,” stressing the diversity within them. Singh’s experiences of discrimination based on visible identity markers demonstrate the intersection of faith and race. His advocacy for challenging stereotypes through “conversation and empathy” echoes Crenshaw’s call to recognise that identity categories interact rather than exist in isolation.
According to UAL’s 2024 Equality, Diversity and Inclusion report, 60 percent of students declare no religion or belief, 29 percent identify with a religion, and 11 percent prefer not to say. While this suggests a largely secular body, the religious third includes diverse groups such as Muslims (up to 11 percent in some colleges), Christians (12 percent overall), Hindus, and Buddhists. This diversity highlights the need for an intersectional approach, as students’ experiences are shaped not only by gender, race, or class but also by religious identity. Faith can influence expectations around clothing, schedules, and social inclusion. Crenshaw (1989) notes that those with intersecting identities often face invisibility and unmet needs. More detailed data on religion, gender, socio-economic status, and class, interpreted through intersectionality, would improve understanding of how economic hardship and faith-based exclusion overlap to impact educational outcomes. Without this insight, inclusion efforts risk reinforcing dominant norms.
In my teaching context at UAL, these insights resonate strongly. Students from diverse faith backgrounds often encounter barriers arising from the intersection of faith, gender, and other identity factors. For example, some students may need time for prayer or may prefer gender-segregated spaces for certain activities. These are not merely isolated accommodations. They reflect the complex ways students’ identities shape their experiences of inclusion or exclusion. Crenshaw’s (1989) theory encourages us to move beyond one-size-fits-all approaches and to examine how institutional policies and cultural assumptions may unintentionally privilege dominant norms. Without an intersectional approach, students with multiple marginalised identities may experience institutional invisibility. Recognising and addressing these overlapping dynamics is essential for creating an educational environment where all students feel seen, supported, and valued.
Bibliography
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Trinity University, 2016. Challenging Race, Religion, and Stereotypes in the Classroom. [YouTube] Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0CAOKTo_DOk [Accessed 22 April 2025].
University of the Arts London, 2024. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion Data Report 2024. [pdf] Available at: https://www.arts.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0030/472836/UAL-EDI-data-report-2024-PDFA.pdf [Accessed 28 April 2025].
